The Roots of Our Partisan Divide

February 2020  • Volume 49, Number 2 • Christopher Caldwell

Is Donald Trump ‘profoundly unconservative’?

No. It doesn’t match his shrinking regulations and limiting government

by Allan H. Ryskind   Allan H. Ryskind, a former editor and owner of Human Events, is the author of “Hollywood Traitors” (Regnery, 2015)

December 31, 2019

Prominent liberal Fareed Zakaria insists that Donald Trump “has been profoundly unconservative” because he’s abandoned what “Republicans used to call the core of their agenda — limited government.” But it’s hard to take the charge seriously, even though some conservatives have sent his piece around for comment to see if he’s onto something. Yet no politician in recent memory has restricted the reach of government at both the federal and state level more than the current occupant of the Oval Office.

Mr. Trump’s drastic shrinking of federal economic regulations, opening vast expanses of federal lands for energy exploration, drawing overseas businesses home with tax breaks and passing major tax cuts for corporations and individuals have generated an explosion of well-paying jobs, personal wealth and soaring wages, as well as the lowest level of unemployment for minorities on record. Some 7 million new jobs have been created during Mr. Trump’s presidency and more than 100 million American shareholders have watched the market jump 55 percent since his election.

You’d think Mr. Zakaria would be celebrating Mr. Trump’s low-tax, pro-growth economic agenda as not only core Republicanism but virtually Reaganesque. Increasing prosperity by stimulating market forces without enacting high taxes and big government programs is, of course, how conservatives try to keep government limited.

Mr. Zakaria concedes that Mr. Trump has delivered what conservatives have wanted in the realm of “social and cultural policy,” such as “appointing judges, tightening rules related to abortion and asylum, etc.” but suggests they have little to do with taming the Leviathan.

Really? Stacking the courts with judges steeped in the philosophy of federalism is, of course, precisely the way to limit government on both the economic and cultural fronts. Mr. Zakaria may ignore the threat, but Democratic Party presidential candidates, along with their media support groups, are panicked over the president’s court selections.

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Just How Many Muslims Won Political Office In 2018? The Numbers May Surprise You!

Many of you are familiar with a couple of congressional seats that were picked up by Muslim women and the first Muslim state attorney general put into office in Minnesota.  What you may not realize is just how many political offices were filled by electing Muslims in 2018.  Even more concerning is the high percentage of Muslims voting and their openness to promote the fact that they want to “change” our culture and society.

First, the information comes from JETPAC, which stands for Justice Education Technology Political Advocacy Center.  According to their Mission Statement:

Jetpac (Justice Education Technology Political Advocacy Center) seeks to build a strong American Muslim political infrastructure and increase our community’s influence and engagement.

We will take our place at the table across all levels of government.

Our philosophy of change is rooted in a community-based approach, grassroots mobilization, civics training, and technology application. We have developed our own training curriculum, as well as proprietary social media technology and automation tools, to give our Fellows the skills and resources they need to win elections. (emphasis mine)

One wonders if some of those tools involve voter fraud, especially after what we witnessed in Minnesota.

Let’s break down the Muslim wins from federal to the local level, and then we’ll sort them by states.

Federal

State

County

Municipal

Judiciary

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Eric Holder Takes Virginia

The Democratic plan to dominate state legislatures has its first electoral success.

To President Franklin Roosevelt’s dismay, a Supreme Court bloc of six conservative justices struck down key parts of the New Deal in the 1930s. But by 1945, there was an FDR bloc. He had appointed all nine justices. For much of the 1960s, a liberal bloc was in command.

It’s hardly a surprise when a group of Supreme Court justices makes a point of voting alike. But today’s liberal bloc is different than those of the past. The four liberal justices are not in charge, yet they play a more prominent role than most minorities. This is no accident. They plot to speak with one voice and usually succeed. They’re motivated, cohesive, and disciplined. As a result, they punch above their weight.

The liberalism of all four is reliable, though not identical. Judging by their written opinions, comments and questions at oral arguments, and what they say in interviews and speeches, Sonia Sotomayor is the most liberal, with Ruth Bader Ginsburg close behind. Stephen Breyer is third, followed by Elena Kagan.

The most significant difference among the four is their readiness to compromise and make deals. Breyer and Kagan are the dealmakers. To attract the fifth vote and prevail in a significant case is their fondest dream. They agreed to drop the requirement that states expand Medicaid to get Chief Justice John Roberts’ vote to uphold Obamacare. And they voted with him on the Medicaid maneuver.

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Supreme Court Declines to Hear Case Promoting Islam in

Public School