Obama’s Politics of Polarization
President Obama came to office promising an era of political comity, but even he has had to concede that his first 15 months in office haven’t lived up to his campaign hope of transcending partisan divisions. While it takes two to tangle, we think the hyper-polarization owes more than a little to Mr. Obama’s own rhetorical habits. More than any President in memory, Mr. Obama has a tendency to vilify his opponents in personal terms and assail their arguments as dishonest, illegitimate or motived by bad faith.
A notable instance is Mr. Obama’s ad hominem attack on Mitch McConnell at a California fundraiser for Barbara Boxer on Monday. The Senate Minority Leader “paid a visit to Wall Street a week or two ago,” Mr. Obama said, and “met with some of the movers and shakers up there. I don’t know exactly what was discussed. All I can tell you is when he came back, he promptly announced he would oppose the financial regulatory reform.”
In other words, the Kentucky Republican is merely a mouthpiece for the bankers. Mr. Obama added that Mr. McConnell’s objections to the bill were not merely “just plain false” but also “cynical”—and then he repeated the attack on motives at another event the following evening.
We can’t recall anything close to this kind of language from, say, Ronald Reagan toward House Speaker Tip O’Neill, or even George W. Bush after Harry Reid called him a “liar.” But it is an Obama staple.
A few hours after the Supreme Court’s vindication of political speech last year in Citizens United, Mr. Obama called the decision “a major victory for Big Oil, Wall Street banks, health insurance companies and the other powerful interests that marshal their power every day in Washington to drown out the voices of everyday Americans.”
He later personalized his criticism by rebuking the Justices as they sat in front of him during the January State of the Union, accusing them of reversing “a century of law to open the floodgates for special interests—including foreign corporations—to spend without limit in our elections.” So the Justices, too, are mere tools of corporate interests. Don’t expect many of them at next year’s SOTU.
The President is especially fond of employing this blunt rhetorical force against business. In a December interview, Mr. Obama said he “did not run for office to be helping out a bunch of fat cat bankers on Wall Street. . . . They’re still puzzled why it is that people are mad at banks. Well, let’s see,” he continued. “You guys are drawing down $10, $20 million bonuses after America went through the worst economic year that it’s gone through in—in decades, and you guys caused the problem.”
Amid the Beltway panic during the AIG bonus bonfire in March 2009, Mr. Obama played directly to the public anger. “This is a corporation that finds itself in financial distress due to recklessness and greed,” said the President, and asked, “How do they justify this outrage to the taxpayers who are keeping this company afloat?”
He did the same with the Chrysler bondholders who had initially resisted the White House’s bankruptcy terms that squeezed them in favor of the United Auto Workers. Mr. Obama characterized these investors in April 2009 as “a small group of speculators” who “were hoping that everybody else would make sacrifices, and they would have to make none.” They quickly caved.
Likewise, in his September address to Congress on health care, Mr. Obama did not merely disagree with opponents but accused them of being “cynical and irresponsible,” spreading “misinformation,” and making “bogus,” “wild” or “false” claims through “demagoguery and distortion.”
He added that “If you misrepresent what’s in this plan, we will call you out.” He later singled out Anthem Blue Cross by name, describing the California insurer’s behavior “jaw-dropping” in February after it attempted to raise consumer premiums.
Politics ain’t beanbag, but most Presidents leave this kind of political attack to surrogates or Vice Presidents. Mr. Obama seems to enjoy being his own Spiro Agnew. A President may reap a short-term legislative gain from this kind of rhetoric, but he also pays a longer-term price in ill-will and needless polarization.
Presidents speak to all of America and they best build consensus through argument and persuasion—not by singling out political targets, cultivating resentment, questioning motives and mocking differences of principle or political philosophy. Mr. Obama’s bellicosity is no more attractive than Sarah Palin’s attempts to pit “the real America” against the big-city slickers. And his rhetorical method seems especially discordant coming from a President who still insists, in between these assaults, that he is striving mightily to change the negative tone of American politics.
If the President and his advisers are wondering why his approval ratings are falling even as the economy is recovering, they might look to his own divisive conduct and the contempt he too often shows for anyone who disagrees with him.
